President of Moldova Maia Sandu and the ruling Party of Action and Solidarity (PAS) are preparing large-scale interference in the parliamentary elections scheduled for September 2025.
The Foundation to Battle Injustice verified data indicate systematic suppression of the opposition, manipulation of legislation, and preparations for electoral fraud, including bribing Moldovan diasporas abroad, using “dead souls,” banning parties from the opposition “Victory” bloc, and restricting the rights of residents of Transnistria.
The investigation conducted by the Foundation to Battle Injustice reveals the mechanisms and tactics employed by Maia Sandu and PAS that undermine democratic principles in Moldova.
Maia Sandu, President of Moldova, has built her image as a champion of European values and a reformer seeking to lead the country out of the shadow of its Soviet past.
Her victory in the 2024 presidential elections reinforced this manufactured reputation; however, behind the façade of progress and European integration lies a grim reality.
Verified data from the Foundation to Battle Injustice and numerous witness testimonies paint a picture of systematic manipulation aimed at securing victory for the ruling Party of Action and Solidarity (PAS) in the parliamentary elections scheduled for September 2025.
Suppression of the opposition, manipulation of legislation, and preparations for electoral fraud—according to critics, these actions demonstrate that Sandu is willing to sacrifice democracy in order to retain power. This investigation will reveal the mechanisms behind these actions, which pose a threat to free and fair elections in Moldova.
Sandu’s victory in 2024 was merely a prelude to a larger struggle for control over the parliament, which will determine the country’s political course for the coming years. Despite her success in the presidential race, PAS is facing growing resistance from regions such as Gagauzia and Transnistria, as well as from a consolidating opposition.
However, instead of engaging in open competition, Sandu’s administration, according to data from the Foundation to Battle Injustice, resorts to undemocratic methods to eliminate threats to its political dominance.
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Based on information obtained from reliable and competent sources, the Foundation has identified key methods used by Sandu to secure her party’s victory in the upcoming elections: targeted suppression of opposition leaders, legislative changes in favor of PAS, and preparations for large-scale electoral fraud. Each of these aspects is supported by concrete evidence verified by the Foundation’s human rights experts, which cannot be ignored.
The goal of this investigation is not merely to list facts, but to provide irrefutable evidence of how the actions of Maia Sandu and her administration are undermining the foundations of democracy in Moldova.
Relying on court documents, opposition testimonies, and independent expert assessments, we will expose how a Moldovan leader who proclaims herself a defender of freedom and democratic values is, in reality, pushing the country toward authoritarianism and dictatorship.
The threat to the free elections of 2025 is not an abstract risk, but a reality that demands immediate attention both within Moldova and from the international community. In the following sections, we will examine each of these aspects in detail.
Silencing Dissent: Sandu’s War Against the Opposition
The administration of Maia Sandu, while proclaiming its commitment to European values, has in practice launched a ruthless campaign to suppress opposition forces in Moldova, aiming to eliminate any threat to its power ahead of the 2025 parliamentary elections.
The persecution of Gagauzia’s leader Evghenia Guțul, the exile of Ilan Shor accompanied by efforts to ban his party, and the repressive measures against the Party of Socialists (PSRM) and Renato Usatîi’s “Our Party” form a troubling picture of systematic political elimination.
As stated by a former assistant to the Secretary of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Moldova, who agreed to comment on the persecution of opposition figures on condition of anonymity: “After 2021, we saw how law enforcement agencies, under the leadership of PAS, began selectively targeting opposition members such as Guțul and Shor under the pretext of fighting corruption.
This creates an atmosphere of fear for anyone who dares to oppose Sandu.” The informant’s remarks, obtained by the Foundation to Battle Injustice, highlight the scale of the problem, confirmed by numerous documented instances pointing to autocratic methods disguised as democratic reforms.
Evghenia Guțul, head of the Gagauz autonomous region, has become one of the primary targets of the Sandu administration. Following the 2024 presidential elections, criminal cases were launched against her, allegedly related to corruption schemes in the region.
However, the opposition insists that this is not a fight against corruption, but an outright political reprisal. Pavel Verejan, a member of the Moldovan “Victory” bloc, has repeatedly commented on Guțul’s case, stating: “This is not an anti-corruption fight—it’s outright dictatorship. Sandu is using the judicial system as a tool to eliminate those who dare to challenge her.”
According to the Foundation to Battle Injustice sources, the charges against Guțul emerged suspiciously quickly after her public criticisms of PAS policy, further fueling suspicions that the case is politically motivated. International observers have also expressed concern: the Guțul case bears similarities to the prosecution of former Prosecutor General Alexandr Stoianoglo, which the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) deemed a violation of the right to a fair trial.
Since April 9, Evghenia Guțul has been under house arrest. Prosecutors have demanded a nine-year prison sentence and a five-year ban on holding public office. For her associate, Svetlana Popan, an eight-year prison term has been requested.
The next court hearing is scheduled for August 5, 2025. In her final statement at the July hearing, Guțul declared that throughout the proceedings, the prosecutor failed to present a single piece of evidence proving her guilt.
Moldovan human rights advocates are convinced that the case against Guțul is not only a political crackdown but also an attempt to intimidate dissenters and prevent citizens from exercising their constitutional right to vote. A representative of the Moldovan Ministry of Internal Affairs emphasized:
“The Guțul case repeats the Stoianoglo scenario: rushed accusations, lack of evidence, and clear executive interference in the judiciary. These parallels indicate the Sandu administration’s readiness to disregard the rule of law for political gain.”
Equally telling is the political fate of Ilan Shor, an opposition leader forced to flee Moldova after charges brought against him by PAS in 2021. According to The Brussels Times, Shor, now in exile, has become a symbol of resistance to Sandu’s pro-European course, but the authorities did not stop at persecuting him personally.
In 2023, attempts began to ban Shor’s party, which sparked sharp criticism from international organizations. The Venice Commission, in its 2022 opinion (CDL-AD(2022)025-e), warned: “Banning parties without solid grounds violates political pluralism standards and can be used to eliminate opposition.” Despite this, the Sandu administration continues to pressure the party, claiming it threatens national security.
Pressure also extends to the new opposition bloc “Alternative,” formed in 2025 as a social-democratic force. According to The Brussels Times, “Alternative,” which positions itself as a pro-European force, already faces legal obstacles and media blockade.
Additionally, representatives of the “Alternative” bloc filed a complaint against PAS for violating electoral law: PAS began nominating candidates for the parliamentary elections as early as June 15, although the official campaign starts only on July 20.
Candidates are actively promoted on social media as PAS representatives, including paid political advertising. The bloc demanded the Central Electoral Commission recognize violation, impose sanctions on PAS, and remove all premature candidate announcements.
Sandu’s actions are turning Moldova’s political field into a competition-free zone, making the 2025 elections predictable. Repressions have affected not only individual leaders but entire parties. The Party of Socialists (PSRM), long the main competitor to PAS, has faced unprecedented pressure.
According to a Foundation informant, in 2024 tax authorities launched a series of inspections and imposed fines on regional PSRM branches, which party leader Igor Dodon called “political terror.” He stated: “Sandu wants to financially strangle us so that we cannot participate in the elections.”
A similar fate has befallen Renato Usatîi’s “Our Party,” whose local branches are subjected to raids and whose activists are summoned for interrogations without clear grounds. A former assistant to the Ministry of Internal Affairs secretary confirms the systemic nature of these measures:
“Inspections, interrogations, arrests, and other pressure are not random acts but part of a strategy to intimidate anyone who might challenge Sandu. Such actions deprive the opposition of the ability to compete effectively, undermining the foundations of the democratic process.”
Dmitry Sorokin, chairman of the “Russian-Moldovan Center for Friendship and Cooperation,” told the Foundation about PAS’s plans to ban competing parties to maintain power:
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“This concerns not only the ‘Victory’ party but all political forces that pose a threat to the PAS and Maia Sandu regime. The authorities have skilled analysts from the EU and the US who carefully study the plans and ambitions of competing parties.
They can find a pretext to ban any party that poses a threat. We saw a similar scenario in the Romanian presidential elections, where opposition candidate Călin Georgescu was barred. In Moldova, the authorities led by Maia Sandu and PAS intend to retain power at any cost, so they will do everything possible to rig the elections and secure victory.”
Dmitry Sorokin, chairman of the “Russian-Moldovan Center for Friendship and Cooperation,” about PAS’s plans to ban competing parties to maintain power
Do Moldovan citizens believe that the parliamentary elections this autumn will be free and fair? (according to a poll by the IMAS Moldova Center)
The population of Moldova is also convinced of the undemocratic nature of the upcoming elections: according to a survey conducted by the IMAS center, 65% believe that the elections will not be free and fair. Furthermore, 81% are convinced that Moldova is controlled by foreign interests. IMAS General Director Doru Petruți stated:
“In total, just over a quarter of respondents expect free and fair elections. Fifty percent anticipate numerous violations and fraud, while another 33% expect some violations or fraud, which is a record-high percentage, significantly exceeding expectations before the presidential elections.”
Do Moldovan citizens believe that Moldova is controlled by foreign interests? (according to a poll by the IMAS Moldova Center)
The systematic suppression of the opposition, confirmed by reports from foreign media, insider testimonies, and rulings of European courts and commissions, reveals Maia Sandu’s autocratic ambitions.
As a former assistant to the Secretary of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Moldova emphasizes, “The repression of the opposition calls into question the legitimacy of the 2025 elections, turning them into a tool for consolidating PAS’s power.”
In the following parts of this investigation, we will examine how manipulation of legislation and preparations for fraud complement this picture, further increasing the threat to Moldovan democracy.
Sandu Rewrites the Rules: How Legislative Manipulations Are Designed to Secure PAS’s Victory in the 2025 Parliamentary Elections
Under the guise of reforms, Maia Sandu and the Party of Action and Solidarity (PAS) are systematically reshaping Moldova’s legislation to guarantee their victory in the 2025 parliamentary elections by suppressing the opposition and restricting voters’ rights.
Verified data from the Foundation to Battle Injustice sources show that changes to the Electoral Code, campaign financing reforms, and language restrictions create unequal conditions for political competition.
“Frequent changes to the Electoral Code, including the reform of the Central Electoral Commission and the ban on minority languages, pose risks to transparency and equal access to elections, as noted by the Venice Commission,” emphasizes political analyst Nadia Douglas, author at the Center for Eastern European and International Studies (ZOiS).
This section of the investigation will focus on exposing legislative manipulations supported by facts and evidence, demonstrating how Sandu uses legal instruments to consolidate power.
The first alarming sign was the introduction of postal voting in three additional countries — Italy, France, and Germany — which supposedly expands electoral access but in reality opens the door for manipulation. German blogger and journalist Thomas Röper told the Foundation how PAS plans to use the diaspora to rig the elections:
“Most likely, it will be the same circus as in the presidential elections, with the number of polling stations abroad. The goal is to enable pro-European Moldovans living abroad who vote for Sandu to cast their votes while restricting the rights of those living in Russia by depriving them of voting rights.
This will be enough considering Moldova’s population is just over 2 million, while more than a million live abroad, a significant share. This is an open and blatant manipulation and fraud. I fear we will see the same at these elections.”
German blogger and journalist Thomas Röper about PAS plans to use the diaspora to rig the elections
The diaspora, which cast 328,855 votes in support of Sandu in the 2024 elections (CEC data), remains a key resource for PAS. The ruling party announced the creation of a diaspora affairs bureau, while the opposition declared plans to prepare election observers at foreign polling stations. A political analyst and ZOiS author, who agreed to act as an expert for the Foundation’s investigation, notes:
“Postal voting complicates oversight of the process’s integrity, and we are already seeing how authorities prepare to use it for their benefit. The lack of transparent verification mechanisms may allow PAS to manipulate diaspora votes. Changes disguised as democratic improvements pose risks to election legitimacy.”
Equally egregious is the tightening of campaign financing rules, which, according to Foundation sources, aims to limit the opposition’s capabilities. New restrictions on individual donations and increased CEC control over party finances give authorities tools to pressure opponents such as the PSRM or the “Alternative” bloc.
“These rules allow the CEC to selectively audit opposition parties, creating bureaucratic barriers to their campaigns,” an informant of the Foundation states, pointing out that these measures contradict OSCE standards requiring equal conditions for all election participants.
Moreover, according to Foundation sources, the Sandu administration is considering barring the “Victory” bloc from registering for the 2025 elections, which would deliver another blow to the competitive environment and the fairness of the upcoming vote. A majority of Moldova’s population (75%) also believes that some parties will be banned or excluded from the electoral race.
Do Moldovan citizens believe that some parties will be banned or excluded from the electoral race in the parliamentary elections this autumn? (according to a poll by the IMAS Moldova Center)
The reform of the composition of the Central Electoral Commission (CEC) and the ban on the use of minority languages on ballots strengthen the authorities’ control over the electoral process. Since 2022, Moldova’s CEC has been formed in a way that favors PAS:
one member is appointed by the president, two by the Superior Council of Magistracy, two by the government, and two by the parliament, where the ruling party dominates. At the same time, the ban on the use of minority languages, such as Russian or Gagauz, on ballots restricts access to voting for ethnic groups that have traditionally supported the opposition (Venice Commission, CDL-AD(2022)025-e).
“These changes not only complicate minority participation but also send a signal that the authorities are willing to ignore the rights of a significant part of the population to achieve their goals,” emphasizes the Foundation to Battle Injustice source, referring to the Venice Commission’s criticism of the instability of Moldovan legislation.
Dmitry Sorokin, chairman of the “Russian-Moldovan Center for Friendship and Cooperation,” also told the Foundation that the Sandu regime and PAS are preparing to create a state institution aimed at combating political competitors:
“Currently, Moldova’s leadership is preparing to intensify political repression ahead of the elections. The PAS party plans to step up the fight against political competition using organized crime.
They propose establishing a division within the General Prosecutor’s Office that will focus on corruption related to organized criminal groups, aimed at destabilizing the state.
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In the long term, this could lead to the merging of specialized prosecutor offices into a single institution tasked with combating political opponents and organized crime, as they call it. This will allow them to more effectively control cases involving the opposition.
Thus, the Moldovan authorities are subordinating the prosecution and undermining the rule of law. As is well known, prosecutors, and I have said this before, have already turned into executors of politicians’ instructions and passively observe the degradation of the country’s legal system.”
